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Charles Evans Hughes
: When we lose the right to be different, we lose the privilege to be free.
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Charles Evans Hughes quote- When we lose the right to be different, we lose the...
Wisdom feed seeded by this
quote
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H L Mencken :
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What men value in this world is not rights but privileges.
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James Russell Lowell :
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What men prize most is a privilege, even if it be that of chief mourner at a funeral.
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13
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Joe Paterno :
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Losing a game is heartbreaking. Losing your sense of excellence or worth is a tragedy.
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Jimmy Connors :
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I hate to lose more than I love to win.
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Kin Hubbard :
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It's the good loser who finally loses out.
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Jim Palmer :
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Losing is no disgrace if you've given your best.
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Pat Riley :
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Giving yourself permission to lose guarantees a loss.
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Aaron Nimzovich :
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How could I lose to such an idiot?
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6
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Izaak Walton :
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No man can lose what he never had.
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Goran Ivanisevic :
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When you are winning too much, sometimes you think you should never lose again. I am learning to lose.
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Gabriela Sabatini :
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When I lose a match, I know that I lose on the court and not in life.
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Charles Evans Hughes Wisdom feed
186
tweets
Charles Evans Hughes:
"
A man has to live with himself, and he should see to it that he always has good company.
"
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164
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Charles Evans Hughes:
"
When we lose the right to be different, we lose the privilege to be free.
"
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18
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Charles Evans Hughes:
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While democracy must have its organizations and controls, its vital breath is individual liberty.
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Charles Evans Hughes:
"
It is not surprising that many should be captivated by the proposal, with its delusive simplicity and adequacey, for the outlawry of war. War should be made a crime, and those who instigate it should be punished as criminals. The suggestion, however futile in itself, has at least the merit of bringing us to the core of the problem. Even among its sponsors appear at once the qualifications which reflect the old distinction, so elaborately argued by Grotius, between just and unjust wars. "The grounds of war," said he, " are as numerous as those of judicial actions. For where the power of law ceases, there war begins." He found the justifiable causes generally assigned for war to be three — defense, indemnity, and punishment. War is self-help, and the right to make war has been recognized as the corollary of independence, the permitted means by which injured nations protect their territory and maintain their rights. International law leaves aggrieved states who cannot obtain redress for their wrongs by peaceful means to exact it by force. If war is outlawed, other means of redress of injuries must be provided. Moreover, few, if any, intend to outlaw self-defense, a right still accorded to individuals under all systems of law. To meet this difficulty, the usual formula is limited to wars of aggression. But justification for war, as recently demonstrated, is ready at hand for those who desire to make war, and there is rarely a case of admitted aggression, or where on each side the cause is not believed to be just by the peoples who support the war. There is a further difficulty that lies deeper. There is no lawgiver for independent States. There is no legislature to impose its will by majority vote, no executive to give effect even to accepted rules. The outlawry of war necessarily implies a self-imposed restraint, and free peoples, jealous of their national safety, of their freedom of opportunity, of the rights and privileges they deem essential to their well-being, will not forego the only sanction at their command in extreme exigencies. The restraints they may be willing to place upon themselves will always be subject to such conditions as will leave them able to afford self-protection by force, and in this freedom there is abundant room for strife sought to be justified by deep-seated convictions of national interests, by long-standing grievances by the apprehension of aggression to be forestalled. The outlawry of war, by appropriate rule of law making war a crime, requires the common accord needed to establish and maintain a rule of international law, the common consent to abandon war; and the suggested remedy thus implies a state of mind in which no cure is needed. As the restraint is self-imposed it will prove to be of avail only while there is a will to peace.
"
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Charles Evans Hughes:
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The United States is the greatest law factory the world has ever known.
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Charles Evans Hughes:
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I believe in work, hard work, and long hours of work. Men do not breakdown from overwork, but from worry and dissipation.
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Charles Evans Hughes:
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The power of administrative bodies to make finding of fact which may be treated as conclusive, if there is evidence both ways, is a power of enormous consequence. An unscrupulous administrator might be tempted to say Let me find the facts for the people of my country, and I care little who lays down the general principles.
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Charles Evans Hughes:
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We are under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what the judges say it is, and the judiciary is the safeguard of our liberty and of our property under the Constitution.
"
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# Judgment and Judges
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Charles Evans Hughes:
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No greater mistake can be made than to think that our institutions are fixed or may not be changed for the worse. ... Increasing prosperity tends to breed indifference and to corrupt moral soundness. Glaring inequalities in condition create discontent and strain the democratic relation. The vicious are the willing, and the ignorant are unconscious instruments of political artifice. Selfishness and demagoguery take advantage of liberty. The selfish hand constantly seeks to control government, and every increase of governmental power, even to meet just needs, furnishes opportunity for abuse and stimulates the effort to bend it to improper uses. .. The peril of this Nation is not in any foreign foe! We, the people, are its power, its peril, and its hope!
"
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Charles Evans Hughes:
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The most ominous spirit of our times, as it seems to me, is the indication of the growth of an intolerent spirit. It is the more dangerous when armed, as it usually is, with sincere conviction. It is a spirit whose wrath must be turned away by the soft answers of a sweet reasonableness. It can be exorcised only by invoking the Genius which watched over our infancy and has guided our development— a good Genius— still potent let us believe — the American spirit of civil and religious liberty. Our institutions were not devised to bring about uniformity of opinion; if they had we might well abandon hope. It is important to remember, as has well been said, "the essential characteristic of true liberty is that under its shelter many different types of life and character and opinion and belief can develop unmolested and unobstructed."
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